Protestors rally at a march in San Francisco in 2018.

Protestors rally at a march in San Francisco in 2018. Sundry Photography / Shutterstock.com

Women Take a Hit For Reporting Sexual Harassment, But #MeToo May Be Changing That

By chance, a sociologist started an experiment the day sexual harassment allegations against Harvey Weinstein became public. As the #MeToo movement gained steam, people's responses changed.

An unprecedented number of women have come forward to share stories of workplace sexual harassment since the #MeToo movement gained momentum in late 2017.

Yet their allegations are not always well received. Questions like “What took her so long?” and “Why didn’t she report it when it happened?” have become a refrain. They imply that women who initially chose not to report sexual harassment handled it incorrectly - even incompetently.

But my research shows that woman have rational reasons for staying quiet because reporting sexual harassment can come with career risks. An experiment I ran five times in the early months of the #MeToo movement, though, suggest that things may be changing for the better.

Self-reporting stymies promotion

In a national survey experiment, I asked Americans to read the fictitious employee file of a woman named Sarah, described as a satisfactory employee who was enthusiastic about her work. Everyone read the same information about her work performance.

However, study participants saw different information about mistreatment Sarah had experienced. In one condition, Sarah reported to HR that a coworker had repeatedly made sexual comments about her body; in a second condition, she reported that a coworker had repeatedly shouted and sworn at her. In a third condition, no harassment was reported. Then I asked participants to rate how likely they would be to promote Sarah.

Each group of participants should have been equally likely to promote Sarah in every case. After all, everyone in the study had identical information about her performance, the most relevant information for making decisions about advancement.

But that’s not what happened. Participants were just as likely to promote Sarah when she reported the nonsexual harassment as when there was no harassment at all. But they were reluctant to promote her when she reported sexual harassment.

Simply by following the rules – using her company’s designated procedure to report the sexual harassment – Sarah’s career advancement was jeopardized.

This finding suggests that women who hesitate to report sexual harassment are acting not incompetently, but perceptively and rationally.

Not reporting to avoid stigma

Indeed, research shows that women sometimes choose not to report or even label unwanted sexual interactions as sexual harassment in part to avoid the perceived stigma of being a target of sexual harassment.

If reporting sexual harassment comes at the cost of future advancement, choosing not to do so becomes strategic.

Why, though, would people hesitate to promote a woman who reported sexual harassment? Cultural stereotypes about the kind of women who are thought to report sexual harassment help to explain.

A woman who reports sexual harassment is often viewed as conniving, deceitful or overly sensitive. People wonder whether she fabricated the account to sabotage a coworker or was overreacting to a friendly remark.

Consider the example of Anita Hill. When she testified in 1991 that Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas had harassed her, Hill was labeled “a little bit nutty and a little bit slutty.”

Indeed, I found part of the reason that participants were less willing to promote Sarah when she had reported sexual harassment was because they saw her as lower in characteristics like warmth and social skills.

A clear implication of this study is that it does not make sense to doubt or denigrate people who choose not to report sexual harassment.

In fact, there is no surefire response available to targets of sexual harassment that will improve the situation; while strategies like reporting, direct confrontation or avoiding the harasser are sometimes effective, they sometimes only make things worse.

So although reporting sexual harassment might help, it may simultaneously jeopardize one’s career advancement. Caught in this catch-22, there is no one right way for a victim to respond to sexual harassment.

What can be done to make reporting sexual harassment less risky? There are two ways forward.

First, bystanders who observe sexual harassment may be able to help. When study participants read a file in which a coworker, acting as a bystander, reported that Sarah had been sexually harassed, Sarah’s promotion chances were not damaged. Stepping in to report sexual harassment on someone else’s behalf, with their consent, may therefore help defray the costs to the victim of reporting it.

Yet this solution doesn’t change the unfair reality that women are penalized for speaking out against sexual harassment. To address this requires cultural change.

Can #MeToo reduce the penalty?

My research suggests that the United States may be in the midst of such a shift. I first ran the experiment in early October of 2017, only weeks before the #MeToo hashtag began trending. As women spoke out about their experiences of sexual harassment en masse, I reran the experiment.

As the #MeToo movement unfolded, bias against the woman who reported sexual harassment faded. Indeed, by early 2018, participants were just as likely to promote Sarah when she reported sexual harassment as any other case.

This trend should be interpreted cautiously – a year has passed since I fielded the study, and people who speak out against sexual violence continue to be questioned and maligned. There is no guarantee that people who report sexual harassment will now be treated fairly, so it is still reasonable to worry that reporting it may harm one’s career.

Yet at the very least, these changes suggest that cultural views about women who report sexual harassment are malleable. By illuminating how widespread and pervasive sexual harassment remains in the U.S., those who spoke out about their own harassment may have shifted how Americans view others following in their footsteps.

The Conversation

The Conversation

This post originally appeared at The Conversation. Follow @ConversationUS on Twitter.

The Trump administration wants fold most federal personnel management functions into the General Services Administration.

The Trump administration wants fold most federal personnel management functions into the General Services Administration. Shutterstock.com

Labor and Management Share Dim View of OPM-GSA Merger Proposal

Officials fear a provision that would send rulemaking authority to a non-Senate confirmed White House official an attempt to politicize the civil service.

Groups representing all levels of the federal career civil service have expressed serious reservations about the Trump administration’s plan to merge the Office of Personnel Management with the General Services Administration and transfer the independent agency's rulemaking authority to the White House. 

Last Thursday, Acting Office of Management and Budget Director Russel Vought sent Speaker Nancy Pelosi the White House’s proposed legislation to accommodate the move, which was announced as part of the administration’s reorganization plan last summer.

That bill would transfer most of OPM’s functions into a new personnel service within GSA, and create an Office of Federal Workforce Policy within OMB, modeled after the Office of Federal Procurement Policy.

While a deputy GSA administrator, pitched by Acting OPM Director Margaret Weichert as the equivalent of the existing position of OPM director, would lead the new service, all of the current OPM director’s rulemaking authorities would be transferred to the director of the new policy shop within OMB, a position that would not require Senate confirmation.

J. David Cox, national president of the American Federation of Government Employees, swiftly released a statement accusing the White House of trying to “politicize the civil service.”

"An individual in the Office of Federal Workforce Policy in OMB will have primary responsibility for the development of personnel policy and regulations,” Cox said. “This position will not require Senate confirmation, and as such, will not be directly answerable to Congress . . . This represents a serious risk to the political independence of the civil service.”

The Senior Executives Association, which has been critical of OPM in recent years, said the White House’s proposal is misguided. Executive Director Jason Briefel said last week that the administration’s “business case” for the merger—that following the transfer of the National Background Investigations Bureau to the Defense Department, OPM will face a $70 million budget deficit, and merging with GSA can create efficiencies and improve IT infrastructure upgrades—is sensible. But he said the absence of a justification for stripping the agency of its statutory independence or mention of merit systems principles is alarming.

“Our biggest concern about this proposal writ large is the threat that it represents for the statutory independence of OPM and maintaining an apolitical civil service,” Briefel said. “Even if you have a GSA official who takes on that duty of the current OPM director who is confirmed [by the Senate], they’re not independent. They’re subservient to the GSA administrator, who answers to the president.”

On Monday, SEA President Bill Valdez sent a letter to the leadership of the House Oversight and Reform Committee’s Subcommittee on Government Operations urging lawmakers to preserve OPM as an independent agency. The subcommittee will hold a hearing Tuesday on the administration’s proposal, and Weichert is scheduled to testify along with oversight experts and union officials. 

“Maintaining OPM’s role in [preserving merit systems principles] is of absolute and paramount importance, and changes to that can only occur through Congress, not the administration via fiat,” Valdez wrote. “The administration to date has not provided clarity about what, if any, independence OPM would maintain should it be folded under GSA. The OPM director is independent from the president; the GSA administrator is not.”

Although the administration has frequently described its proposal to move OPM’s policy functions into the White House as an “elevation” of those responsibilities, one former Bush administration official described it as “a diminishment of human capital management.”

“One thing I have not seen discussion of is the issue of merit, and I think the fundamental question is how does this impact merit systems?” the former official said. “Does it enhance the merit-based civil service, or does it diminish the civil service? And normally, non-confirmed White House officials don’t testify [before Congress], so if there is an issue about policy or rulemaking, where do lawmakers go?”

The official was also skeptical of the administration’s argument that the need to transfer the background investigations function to the Pentagon hastened the need for the merger.

“These issues did not arise overnight,” the official said. “When Congress passed the National Defense Authorization Act in 2017 authorizing moving the background investigations to [the Defense Department], anyone who knew anything knew that they’d take a huge hit in terms of their funding, and moving HR Solutions to GSA would do the same thing . . . It shouldn’t have come as any surprise, and the other thing I’m wondering is that the new OPM director [nominee] Dale Cabaniss was a clerk on the [Senate] Appropriations Committee that oversaw all of this. But they’re acting like they discovered it under a rock and now they have to move with lightning speed to correct it.”